In order to create a ‘world class’ city, not just
a kitschy imitation, the ‘Master’ Plan for Delhi will
have to ditch paternalism and target the satisfaction of real
social needs. The folly of reducing the social matrix to a list
of ‘facilities’ – health, education, sports,
communications, policing, fire control, distribution of milk,
vegetables and LPG (to honour state-owned monopolies), ‘socio-cultural’
activities, ‘other’ community activities, and cremation
& burial – is already writ large in DDA’s earlier
master-planning failures.
Our premier urban development agency must understand that a good
city is much more than a sum of its parts. A set of tables naively
describing what functions and activities define an urban society
does not constitute Social Infrastructure. Infrastructure is implicit
in every page of MPD 2021: it is the enabling mechanisms and processes
that spell out how a 21st century urban society will live, work
and recreate. Future India doesn’t need a library to be
defined as “having a large collection of books for reading
and reference for general public or specific class” and
it can surely do without dairy farms that have “sheds for
birds.” A piggery may have “sheds of pigs” and
a burial ground “facilities for burying of dead bodies”
but is an old age home a facility for “caring and training
the underprivileged ones” and does disaster management refer
only to fire-fighting?
Public stakeholders in MPD2021 expect more than a cut-and-paste
of earlier plans. It is corruption enough that DDA uses public
money to issue nonsensical definitions, but its customary column
on “activities permitted” reveals a vested interest:
to insert provisions that perpetuate the exercise of arbitrary
discretionary power, and to favour commercial interest. Almost
every ‘use premise’ can have a “watch &
ward residence” (uncounted in the housing statistics); snack
stalls, banks and retail shops are permitted wherever possible
(even in pathology laboratories), and nursery school sites can
be used to build post offices, community halls, maternity homes
and milk booths.
The DDA’s clerical urbanism and dependence on brain-dead
listings arise from the basic (mis)premise that a metropolis is
a ‘Lego-like’ assembly of building blocks. Unable
to read current urban theory, they should at least take a peek
from their lofty windows and observe the vast and complex field
of interacting flows of resources, capital, goods and information
that characterise the metropolis — beyond space-time limitations
and statistical calculi — where buildings are merely points
in space, accommodating needs that arise from distinct intersections
in the fluid matrix. Transcending the objectivism of the Industrial
city, the 21st century metropolis is a physical manifestation
of the ideals and beliefs through which civil society attempts
the containment of chaos, the abatement of uncertainty, and the
creation of beauty.
Piecemeal and iniquitous development of ‘shelter’
has made Delhi a fractured city, where classes, castes and communities
inhabit segregated ghettoes. Mismanagement of the city’s
myriad diversity has created an unsafe city, whereas provisions
for security must be embedded in the Master Plan. The development
of areas for trade and commerce should promote productivity and
the creation of jobs, rather than merely facilitate the landlord’s
profitable exploitation of commercial space. The dynamic and highly
productive population of vendors, servants and labourers are described
as an “informal sector” and no provision is made for
their incorporation into Delhi’s society. Shunning migrants
and limiting the creation of jobs, MPD 2021 will make Delhi a
monument to xenophobia and morbidity, a far cry from a society
that abides by the Millennium Development Goals of transparency,
participation and equity.
While singing of public-private partnership, DDA hawks public
interest cheaply. It shoves ‘parking’ into a chapter
on transportation whereas rich car-owners are actually culpable
for the misuse of public space and a disavowal of social responsibility.
Innumerable vehicles enjoy free parking on our streets, each hogging
space enough to house a family of the poor, whose housing stock
suffers a backlog of 50,000 units per annum. MPD 2021 speaks of
a pedestrian-friendly city (in a solitary disembodied paragraph)
but the common man must make do with an undefined percentage of
‘circulation’ space, inevitably encroached by every
self-service under the sun. What world-class city forces its people
to walk on the roads?
Both letter and spirit of the Indian Constitution are absent
from DDA’s mixed-use policy, which relinquishes our streets
to lawbreakers, as long as they form a society or cooperative.
Entire residential areas can be commercialised, disregarding the
rights of law-abiding home-owners who are now forced to vacate
their disturbed surroundings. The DDA would privilege the demands
of the unruly mob, whereas the individual, the building block
of democracy, has his/her rights most conspicuously violated.
A master plan is primarily a social vision manifest in the rules
of urban development. Unless these rules are devised with utmost
care, they will set up a game in which there is only one tragic
loser: we the people.
(The writer is Director, Urban Futures Initiative)
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